The Grass Roots Housing Process (Original Paper)

(From https://www.livingneighborhoods.org/library/grassroots.htm)

Preface

A house is not just a shell for habitation; it is also an unfolding of our experience.

A house is not an act or a series of acts; it is not an object but an experience; it is not a commodity to be bought and sold but an activity essential to life.

Instead of being the unfolding of our existence and the expression of our freedom, our houses have become the imprisonment of our existence, the denial of our lives.

introduction

In this proposal we are putting forward an entirely new concept in the field of housing, which covers financing, design, social structure, principles of ownership, and rate of growth. In place of houses that are completed before anyone knows who will live in them and are then sold as complete products, we propose a process in which the owner is intimately involved in the evolutionary design and construction of his own house. In place of high interest rates and ruinous mortgages, we propose a system that, with a very small initial investment, recycles the capital that it generates to begin more and more houses, without bank loans. We believe that this concept will help to solve the most fundamental problems in the housing shortage, in many countries.

The Center for Environmental Structure is a non-profit foundation based in California. We are writing this proposal in the hope that sponsors, in different parts of the world, will come forward and invest enough seed money to start a number of pilot projects. The Center, henceforward called the builder, will undertake responsibility for management, design and supervision of construction in these pilot projects - and can be paid entirely by fees generated by the process itself. If successful, the pilot projects can than be repeated, on a larger scale, by local builders.

Any local government, state government, public authority, non-profit foundation, or group of citizens can sponsor this process, by making a small cash investment, and by putting land in trust, for housing, with the understanding that it will be held by non-profit housing corporations, managed by the people who live in the houses, and cannot be bought or sold for speculation.

In return for these contributions, the sponsor will reap the following benefits:

  1. On each side, a cluster of twelve houses will be designed and built by their owners. Each house will be ready for occupancy within a few month - and will then grow steadily for the next several years.
  2. The process will allow people to own their own houses, without a down payment, merely in return for a monthly payment which is about the same as a typical medium-low income monthly rent or mortgage payment.
  3. The project will generate enough money to seed new clusters within the community, as often as the sponsor is willing to supply one acre of land, on the delayed purchase arrangement. In these later clusters, the sponsor is not expected to contribute any further cash sums.
  4. The new clusters will grow at an extraordinary rate: so great, that after thirty years, the initial cluster has seeded 70 new clusters; after fifty years, the initial cluster has seeded 1600 new clusters. In short, an initial investment of $30,000 will generate about 20,000 houses in fifty years.

Obviously, there is no form of public housing known today, which can generate such an astonishing supply of houses for such a trifling investment. But the houses are not only cheaper. They are also better, more beautiful and much more profoundly grounded in human needs.

The Housing Problem

The world--wide housing problem has three central features.

The Housing Shortage

There is a drastic shortage of houses, all over the world. At the same time, the cost of houses is rising steadily. This rising cost makes it almost prohibitively expensive for people who have little money, to house themselves; and too expensive for public housing agencies -- who must both build the houses, and then subsidize their rents -- to provide houses for everyone; and thus well nigh impossible to build enough houses to overcome the housing shortage.

The Sterility of Mass-Produced Housing

The mass housing built to solve the housing shortage is totally inadequate from a human point of view. The houses required to satisfy human needs are not mass--produced, identical tract homes and concrete box apartments, but houses so various that each house is different and unique, according to the special nature of people who live in it, designed by the people who live in them, and based on psychological principles deep enough to satisfy the full range of human experience and need.

The High Price of Housing

At the same time, the average family gets a raw deal, in purely monetary terms. A house which costs $30,000, will typically need monthly payments of about $200/month to pay for it. The person making these payments, whether he is technically an owner or a renter, will typically end up paying about $80,000 over 30 years -- almost three times the actual value of the house. This is why houses have become expensive. People are paying three times what their houses are worth. Our houses now consume three times as large a portion of our lifetime income as they rightfully should.

Faced with this three-sided housing problem, modern society has so far, invented essentially one answer to the problem: mass production: both on-site mass production of tract houses and factory mass products of package houses and apartments.

Industrialists, who control the machinery of mass production and their spokesmen, argue that more houses must be mass produced, in order to keep up with the demand created by the housing shortage. Designers and architects, in love with the idea of mass production, argue that designs of mass produced houses will be better, because more money can be invested in research and perfection of design - so that every family can have the perfect bathroom. And the industrialists again, using the analogy of mass--produced cheap goods, explain that the economy of the assembly line will make the houses cheaper.

But industrialized mass housing does not and cannot solve the housing problem.

The high rate of production, does little or nothing to solve the housing shortage, since, it is in fact the shortage of capital, not the speed of production, which is actually responsible for the housing shortage.

The standardization of large--scale components like walls, bathroom and kitchens, far from improving design, in fact, reduces the choices which people have, and contributes enormously to the monotonous and alienating sameness which leaves people feeling dead and helpless.

And the mass production does not, in the end, even reduce cost. First of all, very few means of housing production can actually reach the volume of sales needed to bring about the economies of scale. But, much more important, the industrialized houses, even when they are sold in great numbers, are more expensive than the houses they replace because of the fact of mass production itself has brought with it spurious standards, which increase the costs. Does anyone really want, or need, wall-to-wall carpeting, or streamlined kitchen cabinets, or plate glass picture windows? These very expensive items have become necessities, under conditions of mass production, because they are the only ways that mass production can make up for the pitiful sterility of mass housing. In a simpler house, which you have made yourself, you just do not need these gimmicks -- because it fits you, and you love its individual character. And because it does not need the gimmicks, it costs less per square foot.

But above all, mass-produced housing fails entirely to change the cost of houses, to any significant degree, because like all our other current forms of housing, it is based on the mortgage system.

In a simple society, people do not borrow money to make their houses: they build what they can afford. When they are young, they have a small hut; gradually, as they grow older, and have children, they are able to make their house larger to keep pace with their needs.

But mass production changes that. Since a house created by mass production is, inevitably, a commodity, an object -- you have to buy it as a package -- and to buy it as a package, you have to borrow money. But the borrowed money costs far more than any conceivable savings which the machinery of mass production can create.

The cost of a mortgage is higher, far higher, than any other cost. A mortgage, spread over twenty--five or thirty years, almost trebles the cost of the house. Two-thirds of the money which a buyer, or a renter, pays for housing, goes in the form of interest to the banks. No solution to the housing problem, which accepts the mortgage system, can possibly make any serious contribution to the price of housing, nor to the housing shortage, and that is why, at bottom, mass-produced housing fails utterly to solve the housing problem.

So long as we view houses as commodities, which can be bought and sold like cars, the processes which will then, inevitably, govern ownership, financing, building, and selling of houses, will make it quite impossible to solve the housing problem.

Let us begin by understanding the nature of housing as a commodity.

It hinges on the fact that people who live in houses do not really own them, in any significant sense; it hinges, in short, on the fact, that the idea of ownership, as it exists in modern society, is different from rental only in a rather trivial legal and financial sense. True ownership cannot exist so long as the house is seen as a commodity.

To begin with, there is a gross unfairness in the distinction between renters and owners. This distinction depends, in many cases, on the accident, that some people happen to be able to afford a down payment, and some don't. Beyond that, both renters and owners pay comparable monthly rents. But the owners have control over their land, and build up equity; the renters have no control, and after twenty years, they still have no equity, or money, built up.

But even those people who are lucky enough to call themselves owners, are not owners in any very significant sense. The housing market that we know does not allow people to design and participate in the construction of their houses; they are built for them and, except in unusual cases, have no input at all. In addition to this, even the ability of people to buy their own houses is being eroded. Costs of material and labor, increasing at rapid rate, are compounded by the cost of money which, in the long run, dwarfs the construction cost of the house. Under typical mortgage terms, a $30,000 house will cost as much as $80,000 by the time it is completely amortized.

In short, about two-thirds of the total money spent on housing in any one month, now goes to the banks (either directly, in the form of mortgages; or indirectly in the form of rents, which help to pay off mortgages). This means that less than one-third of the money spent on housing, in any one month, actually goes towards the task of improving the housing, or improving the environment. And, of course, when the owner decides to sell his house, he finds that most of his investment is lost to him. He can only get back about one-third of what he has put into it, because the other two-thirds has gone to the bank.

Thus, the critical advantage of ownership, stemming from deep personal involvement with one's dwelling and living environment, are wasting away. A person finds himself buying a house that someone else designed and built. He has to have a lot of money to buy it in the first place. He gets rather little of his monthly payments back, when he decides to move. And, for all that, in any important psychological sense, the house is hardly his. It looks just like a hundred other houses, down the road. The space outside, the street, is not in his control -- it is a public wasteland, looked after by some impersonal agency.

We see, then, that the heart of the housing problem lies in the mortgage system -- or, if you will, in that interaction between houses and money, which treats a house as a commodity. People are persuaded that they must borrow money, huge sums of money, to get this house which someone else has built. Since they have to borrow so much money, most of their own money flows out of their packets in the form of interest, instead of flowing towards the land and houses themselves -- where it could actually help to make the houses better: so, by accepting the idea that he must have a house that someone else built, and must borrow money to get it, the house owner also condemns the house itself, to receive one-third of the resources -- in labor, care and materials -- which it ought to get -- so obviously the houses themselves get worse and worse with time.

There is no way to cut this cycle of cause and effect, except at the root. It cannot be cut by making more houses which are commodities; nor by making better houses which are commodities; nor by making cheaper houses which are commodities. It can only be cut when we stop treating houses as commodities altogether, by our refusal, our total refusal, to treat houses as commodities -- and by our consequent refusal to accept the monetary side conditions which come with the house, when it is seen as a commodity.

To solve the housing problem, we must learn to look at a house as an activity.

In this case, the life history of the house, and its relation to the people who live in it, and pass through it, is entirely different. The house is not produced at one time, and then used, unchanged, for years; it is created gradually, as a direct result of the living which is happening in it and around it. Building takes place in increments, day by day, year by year. The people who live in the house do not borrow money, ever; they spend only what they can afford. The people who live in the house are the ones who design it, as they go. They don't necessarily build it with their own hands; but they may build parts of it with their own hands, to help the builders. Each house is unique; it is the unique expression of a particular way of life, and of the particular history of all the people who have ever lived in it. Ownership of the house, is not merely a way of making money, or a form of legal control; it is a vehicle for involvement, in the process of creating a suitable, beautiful environment. Above all, to repeat it, there are no banks involved, nor mortgages, because the houses are built at a pace which makes it possible to build them without borrowing money.

It turns out that this simple change of attitude, has the power to solve the housing problem totally, because it goes to the heart of the financial system, and changes the way that money flows.

  1. It can solve the housing shortage.

    It can create a vast number of houses, in a very short time, and therefore alleviate the world housing shortage.

  2. It can solve the sterility of mass housing.

    People can create housing which is adapted to their needs, under conditions where each family will have a unique house whose plan and functions are unique to them -- though in construction and materials they are the same as all the neighbors' houses. The process overcomes the sterility of mass-produced housing, by increasing the labor content, human craftsmanship, and workmanship in each individual house, without requiring unfeasibly high labor costs. The land between the houses, is itself also controlled by the house owners, and is therefore as rich and beautiful as the houses themselves: there is no uncared for public wasteland outside the houses.

  3. It can solve the high price of housing.

    It does not make heavy financial demands on its participants, and allows everyone to own his house, without any need for down payments. It allows everyone to build up equity, as he pays money into his house. Each person can get back 100% of the amount he has put into it, when he sells it, instead of the one-third which he gets back when his house is mortgaged to a bank. All the money which people spend on housing, every month, goes to improve the houses -- instead of the one-third which now goes into houses, because the banks take two-thirds -- so the environment has three times as much money flowing into its improvement as it does today.

It is, of course, true, that houses were built under these conditions, by people all over the world, for all the thousands of years which preceded the industrial revolution -- in short, for most of human history. In fact, the very richest members of society now struggle to buy up the few remaining thatched cottages, redwood log cabins, Georgian town houses, Greek Island houses, Elizabethan farmhouses -- because they recognize, intuitively, that these buildings, built by the very process under discussion, are the only ones which really satisfy the needs of the human soul -- and they are therefore prepared to pay vast sums of money for them.

The grassroots housing process, which we now present in this proposal, will create houses as beautiful, as organic, as uniquely personal, as these traditional houses. and, as we shall show, it can produce them fast enough, and cheaply enough, to solve the housing problem. It is feasible in terms of money, and feasible in terms of labor. In short, it is immediately practical today.

The Project Proposal

Our solution to the housing problem, hinges on the creation of two new legal entities, both non-profit corporations, which we call the cluster and the builder, on the existence of a sponsor for their activities, and on a system called the pattern language, which provides the medium of communication between the cluster and the builder.

The sponsor may be any organization which has an interest in the provision of housing, and which has land that it can put in trust for the purpose of housing. It may be a group of private citizens, a local government, a private industry, an institution like a university, or a non-profit foundation. This report is addressed, principally, to potential sponsors, or to individuals or institutions who are considering the possibility that they might decide to become sponsors.

The cluster is a group of ten or twelve families, legally constituted as a non-profit corporation. The families will design their own houses, and help to build them if they want to; and together they will design and build the common areas between the houses. The houses will grow rather slowly -- it will take at least five years for a house to reach its full size; but the houses will be made in such a way that people can live in them from the very beginning. In return for monthly payments, and without a down payment, the families will own their houses, and will be able to sell them, when they leave, for 90% of the payments which they have made.

The builder is a non-profit foundation, which helps the group of families design the public land between the houses, supervises all construction on the site, provides instruction for those families who wish to build for themselves, controls the monthly payments from the families, handles the seed money needed to start other similar clusters, and in later years, as the cluster reaches maturity, helps the families and the cluster diagnose those deficiencies in their surroundings which need to be repaired by new construction.

The pattern language is the instrument which makes it possible for members of the cluster to design their own houses, and for the builder to help them take their rudimentary sketches and make a building out of them. It is a system of instructions based on the most fundamental psychological necessities of buildings, which gives the individuals who use it unexpected creative power. We shall not describe it in this report, since it has been fully described in other publications.

However, it is essential to understand that this pattern language is the instrument which gives the members of the cluster the power to design their houses for themselves, and the medium through which they can communicate their ideas to the builder. Without this instrument, the productive interaction of the cluster and the builder which we describe on the following pages, could not be accomplished.

Within the framework of the pattern language, and with the backing of a sponsor, the builder and the cluster can, as we shall now see, create conditions under which ordinary families can house themselves. We first go into detail about the activities of the cluster; then examine the overall flow of money, to see the feasibility of the project from year to year; then examine the growth rate of the clusters, as one cluster begins seeding others, in later years; then describe the activities of the builder in detail; and finally explain the sponsor's contribution.

The Cluster

The cluster is, in essence, a group of a dozen families, legally constituted as a non-profit corporation. For the first fifteen years of the cluster's life, the members of the cluster, the builder, and the sponsor are financially and legally interdependent. During this period the title to the land is held in trust. At the end of fifteen years, the contracts are complete; the title of the land is transferred from the trust to the cluster itself: and the cluster becomes fully independent.

Physically, a cluster will contain about twelve houses, on about an acre of land. Neither the density nor the size are absolutely critical. A similar cluster might be built at twice the density or half the density, for twice as many houses, or half as many, or even less. However, we consider a cluster of about a dozen houses as a basic unit, because it is an entity large enough to maintain itself as an identifiable social group, yet small enough to be able to maintain communication on a personal basis. A dozen families can sit around a table and discuss and resolve their own affairs and problems fairly easily. More cannot.

We shall now describe the principle features of a cluster:

Design
The member families of the cluster together decide the overall communal layout, each family will design their own house to suit their own needs. They will be able to do this with the help of pattern language: an instrument provided by the builder; and the builder will help them and guide them wherever necessary, as they make their designs. Although each house will have its own unique plan, all the houses will be built in similar materials -- which are not modular panels, or factory components, but materials like wood and plaster, that allow each detail of each house to take its own shape, according to its position in the house.
Materials

Materials are free. As a member of the cluster, each family may use as much material as they need to build their house, to maintain it, to decorate it, or to build communal buildings, fences, seats, swimming pool, workshop between the houses.

And the system of materials, provided by the builder, is so designed as to make construction very simple indeed: so simple that an average family can easily build their own house if they want to, or make additions, or build structures in the land between the houses.

Growth
The houses will be built gradually, over a period of several years. This makes sure that each part of every house is firmly rooted in people's experience and needs -- since each piece that gets built is always a direct expression of some actual living need. A typical young family might build 350 square feet the first year; then live in that, and build 150 square feet per year, for four or five years, until the house has 1000 square feet; then build even slower, reaching a final house, ten or twelve years later, of 1500 or 1600 square feet. The slowness of construction is essential to the bootstrap housing process: it is this one fact which makes it possible to keep clear of the mortgage process, and the high cost of money.
Payments

Each family will be obliged to pay a monthly payment, or rent, to the cluster as a whole. The amount of this payment will be based on the area of the house which they have built, so that a family with a small house will pay less rent than a family with a large house. In addition, the rent per square foot is high in the first year, and then goes down slowly with time -- so that a family which wants to build a very large house at the beginning, will pay very dearly for it; a family which is willing to build the same house more slowly will pay less. It is this mechanism which regulates the rate at which materials are consumed.

The monthly payment does not include the price of labor. It includes the price of materials, the price of the land, the services of the builder in the process of design, the builder's supervision of construction and lessons and instruction, where families decide to build for themselves. Ninety per cent of these monthly payments will be to the owner at the time a house is sold.

Construction

The families may either have their houses built for them, by labor under the supervision of the builder, or they may build their houses for themselves.

If they do not want to build for themselves, or want to contribute only part of the labor, they must pay for the extra labor themselves. But the simplicity of the materials makes it possible to hire very unskilled labor -- high-school students during summer vacations -- for example, at low wages.

If they do want to build for themselves, at least in part, the amount of labor involved is small enough so that a family can easily manage to do it at weekends, at the same time that they hold a full-time job on weekdays. The builder will teach people how to build, and will help them when they get started. He will also be building a workshop for communal use within the cluster, so that people can watch him build for himself, alongside their own efforts. The materials are designed in such a way that any family can, if they want to, build the whole house for themselves.

Communal land and buildings

The street in an ordinary town is owned by the city, and is therefore not the property or the concern of the families who live on it. In the cluster, on the contrary, the land between the houses belongs to the people who live in the houses. It is their right and their obligation, to one another, to design this land to suit their needs, and to build whatever they want: paths, fences, trees and flowers, seats, workshops, playground...

Once again, the materials for all this work are free. And, once again, the actual labor needed to build these things must be contributed by the families themselves. Typically, they will probably start spending more time on the communal land, once they have the rudimentary shell of their own houses at least partly finished.

The physical appearance of the cluster

Although each cluster will be unique in its physical layout, it will typically consist of single family houses, grouped together, sharing some common land, about 25 percent of the site, the common land touching all the houses it serves.

Imagine the common land partly enclosed, but opening into a public outdoor room where informal gatherings happen; activity pockets around the public outdoor room; children's play area and areas reserved for sports, perhaps a pool; parts of the site where there exist trees or greenery, left intact in order to preserve the natural beauties of the site.

Imagine, low houses, at most three stories high, with half-hidden gardens or beautiful courtyards; open stairs leading to upper stories, houses which are flooded with sunlight; some houses with terraces overlooking the activity in the street, some with small gardens for growing vegetables, some with openings which make the outside, part of the inside of the house, some with a low wall where people can sit and enjoy the life around.

Above all, as in this example, every cluster of houses will have a balance of order and disorder which is rather unfamiliar in today's housing. Most housing we are familiar with is either totally homogeneous -- with standard plans, standard arrangements repeated identically along a street, or totally disparate with every house designed by a different person, a different architect, a different style, different materials.

The housing in a cluster, built by the process we are describing here, will be different in plan and shape and detail: yet all the houses will all be built in the same materials; and they will all have common features. Like the houses of a traditional town, they will be related and connected in a way which makes it clear that although each is individual and unique, they are together also pieces of a larger whole.

Diagnosis and repair

In ordinary housing developments, the architect and builder leave as soon as they have finished their work. They do not stay around to guarantee their work, nor to look after the environment as it evolves. In a cluster this is quite different. The builder undertakes a fifteen-year commitment to be there; he is also a member of the cluster himself, and has a personal interest in making it beautiful because he is going to be there.

A healthy environment requires not only that construction of the cluster be gradual, but also that the houses and public land between them always remain in a continual state of construction and repair. In this way, the environment can be constantly improved and modified according to people's experience of how it works for them.

This process requires a continual diagnosis of the existing space -- indoor and outdoor -- so that all new building, however modest, will repair the defects revealed by the diagnosis and ensure the gradual improvement of the environment.

The builder will spend about one month every year showing people how to make a diagnosis of all those things in the cluster which are not as beautifully organized as they could be; a seat in a wrong place, a corner where nothing grows, a window which needs to be enlarged to make a room sunnier, a good place to build an extra room; a way to mark an entrance clearly; a way to protect someone's garden from nearby noise. In this way, most of the construction activity of later years will not only be making houses larger or more useful and beautiful; it will also be helping to repair the small mistakes of the past or those things that have stopped working well.

Ownership
The member families do not own their houses in the conventional sense. What they own, instead, is a share in the cluster corporation, which entitles them to the sole use of that part of the land where their own house is; allows them to design their own house, modify it, alter it, in any way they want; and gives them control and use of all the public land between the houses. In all these respects, their ownership is very much the same, as ordinary ownership, except that their control of public land is greater. But the conditions under which they are allowed to sell their houses are quite different.
Resale conditions

We consider it absolutely essential that the process of resale creates no conditions, whatsoever, which encourage people to build speculatively -- that is, for other people's needs, instead of for their own. When people try to anticipate other people's needs, or try to build a place they think other people will like -- they build arbitrary fantasies, which have no roots in real life -- and, the general situation created by this type of incentive -- most vividly present in bank-controlled housing, which is all based on the possibility of resale, is that the houses become impersonal, sterile, and artificial.

In order to remove this incentive, altogether, we have made the resale price independent of the house design entirely -- in the hope that the more people see their homes as permanent life-long possessions, and not as cashable commodities, the more they will create environments which are genuinely adapted to their wants, and needs and comforts -- and the greater the chance that the houses so produced will be human, and personal, and whole.

Specifically, the families may sell their share at any time. At the time of sale they will get back approximately 90% of the rent they have paid over the years. The rents are calculated so that if the house has been built with reasonable care, it will command this price on the market.

The family's own cash investment

Finally, it is important to recognize that, from a monetary point of view, the cluster gives each family a tremendous bargain.

The following table compares grassroots housing, mortgaged ownership and rent or public housing. In all three cases, families make roughly similar monthly payments. But the total spent in one lifetime, the percentage which the family can retrieve from re-sale, and the length of time for which they have to pay the monthly payments, are entirely different.

COMPARISON OF GRASSROOTS HOUSING, MORTGAGED OWNERSHIP, AND RENT FOR PUBLIC HOUSING

GRASSROOTS

MORTGAGED OWNERSHIP

RENT FOR PUBLIC HOUSING

FAMILY PAYS FOR

15 YEARS

30 YEARS

LIFE

TOTAL MONEY SPENT

$30,,000 PLUS LABOR WORTH ABOUT $10,,000

$80,,000

$80,,000

CAN RETRIEVE

90%

30%

0%

It is obvious from what has been said earlier that the grassroots housing process gives people a better way to live; and a chance to make a much better world for themselves, than ordinary housing does. What is remarkable is that it is also cheaper. It gives them far more, for far less money, than they can get with any current form of ownership or public housing.

The flow of money

The backbone of the grassroots housing process lies in the unconventional way that the money flows. We shall now show how the limited flow of money created by the families' monthly payments, can pay for the land, materials, the builder's labor, and the seed money needed to start other clusters in later years.

To do so, we shall lay out the accounts of a typical house within a cluster, to show the course of its financial position during its first fifteen years. The accounts for a cluster are the same, multiplied across the board by twelve, if there are twelve houses.

The assumptions behind our figures are as follows:

  1. The family builds 360 square feet the first year, 160 sq. ft. per year for the next four years, then 75 sq. ft./year for the next ten years. Of course, the figures are averages. In practice, each house will follow a different sequence of construction.
  2. The rents fluctuate in two ways. First, the rent is calculated on the basis of the total area of the house at any given moment in its history. The larger the house, the more rent is paid. Second, the rent per square foot decreases with time. This reflects the fact that the cluster cannot afford unlimited materials at the beginning of its life, so the rate per square foot is high in the first year, and gradually goes down to a figure well below the current average later in the life of the cluster.
  3. This fluctuating rent schedule, makes it possible for people to take part, regardless of their income level, and makes it possible for rich and poor to live together, in the same cluster. Middle income families will have rents like those shown in the table. Poor families can either reduce the rate at which they build their houses, or they can be subsidized by public housing programs.
  4. Materials consumed cost about $10 per square foot of finished construction. This includes 10% for communal building and improvements.
  5. The builder's fees are high in the first year, when he spends full time with the families, designing and building; and then decrease with time.
  6. There is a fixed annual cost for land purchase; and, after the tenth year, an additional fixed annual cost for maintenance.
  7. In the first year of its life, the revenue is $2500 less than the expenses. To offset this initial deficit, the house consumes $2500 of seed money created, and donated to it, by some other cluster.
  8. The house pays for this gift, by itself creating seed money and giving it to five other houses, in other, still newer clusters, during the first fifteen years. To this end, the balance of revenues minus expenses which remain at the end of each year, is set aside for seed money. When the seed money reaches $2500, a new cluster gets started and the balance goes back to zero. As we see, the cluster gets started and the balance goes back to zero. As we see, the cluster starts new clusters in the seventh, ninth, eleventh, thirteenth and fifteenth years.
  9. The sale of houses does not figure in the accounts, since we have deliberately set up re-sale conditions so that they do not interact with the accounts: whenever a house is sold, the new owner takes over the payments, just where they are, and pays the seller -- so that there is no net gain or loss to the cluster.
  10. In its fifteenth year, the cluster becomes independent.